PoliticalMANIPULATIVE

Dehumanization

What it is

Describing a group as less than fully human — as animals, vermin, disease, or objects — so that the moral rules that apply to people stop applying to them.

How it works

Haslam's 2006 review distinguishes two forms: animalistic dehumanization denies a group the traits that separate humans from animals (rationality, refinement, self-control), while mechanistic dehumanization denies the traits that separate humans from objects (warmth, emotion, individuality). Both push the target outside the circle of moral concern. Kteily and colleagues (2015) measured blatant dehumanization with the "Ascent of Man" scale — respondents placed groups on a silhouette progression from ape to upright human — and found that placing a group lower predicted support for aggressive policies against it over and above ordinary prejudice. Bandura (1999) lists dehumanization among the mechanisms of moral disengagement that let ordinary people take part in cruelty, and Stanton's ten stages of genocide place it fourth, after classification, symbolization, and discrimination, because language that turns people into vermin is what makes the later stages thinkable. One caution from the research: Rai, Valdesolo, and Graham (2017) found that dehumanization increases instrumental violence but not moralistic violence — people who punish a target for a perceived wrong often see them as fully human and deserving. Dehumanization is therefore not the only road to atrocity, but it is the most reliable way to make atrocity feel like pest control.

Real-world examples

  • Rwanda, 1994: Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines called Tutsi "inyenzi" (cockroaches) and told listeners to "cut down the tall trees"; the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda convicted its founders in the 2003 "Media Case" (Nahimana et al.).
  • The 1940 Nazi film "Der ewige Jude" intercut footage of Jews with swarming rats; Kangura's 1990 "Hutu Ten Commandments" and Julius Streicher's Der Stürmer used the same vermin-and-disease vocabulary decades apart.
  • Dower (1986) documented that wartime propaganda in both the United States and Japan portrayed the other side as apes, insects, or demons — dehumanization is a structure of conflict, not a property of one side.
  • In 1995–1996 the "superpredator" label for juvenile offenders, coined by political scientist John DiIulio and used by Hillary Clinton in a January 1996 speech, described children as having "no conscience, no empathy"; DiIulio later repudiated it. Since then "animals", "vermin", and "infestation" have been applied to migrants and to political opponents by figures across the spectrum in the United States, Britain, Italy, and Hungary.
  • Contemporary — US right: in May 2018 President Donald Trump called MS-13 gang members "animals" at a White House roundtable, and in December 2023, campaigning in New Hampshire, said immigrants were "poisoning the blood of our country"; both statements drew objections from opponents and from some members of his own party. Paired with the 1996 "superpredator" example above, the record shows the vocabulary is available to any side.

Historical case studies

RTLM radio and the Rwandan genocide

1993–1994Rwanda

Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines spent the months before and during the 1994 genocide referring to Tutsi as "inyenzi" (cockroaches) and as an enemy to be exterminated, and at times broadcast names and locations of people to be killed. In December 2003 the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda convicted two of the station's founders and the editor of the newspaper Kangura of genocide and of direct and public incitement to commit genocide, the first such convictions of media figures since Nuremberg. Sentences were reduced on appeal in 2007, but the incitement convictions for the 1994 broadcasts stood.

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Der Stürmer

1923–1945Nazi Germany

Julius Streicher's weekly newspaper carried the slogan "The Jews are our misfortune" at the foot of its front page and specialized in cartoons depicting Jews as vermin, predators and sexual criminals. It was displayed in public showcases across Germany so passers-by could read it without buying a copy. Streicher held no military command and took no direct part in killing; the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg nevertheless convicted him of crimes against humanity in 1946 on the ground that twenty-five years of such material had incited persecution and murder.

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Ethical guidelines

  • No group of people is an animal, a disease, or an infestation; metaphors that say so are not rhetoric but preparation, and communicators bear responsibility for what the metaphor licenses.
  • Condemning conduct never requires denying humanity; the test is whether the criticism would still work if the target were described as fully a person.
  • Dehumanizing language aimed at people you oppose politically is the same device as dehumanizing language aimed at people you defend.

How to defend against it

  • Listen for the category, not the insult: "vermin", "cockroaches", "infestation", "animals", "plague", and "subhuman" are the diagnostic words, and they mark an escalation regardless of who uses them.
  • Re-humanize deliberately — name individuals, ask about their families and work; intergroup contact and individuating information are the best-supported counters to group-level dehumanization (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006).
  • Track the stage: Stanton's sequence gives you a checklist — classification, symbolization, discrimination, dehumanization, organization — and a place to object before the next step.
  • Refuse the frame in your own speech, including about people who dehumanize others; Kteily, Hodson, and Bruneau (2016) found that feeling dehumanized by an outgroup drives reciprocal dehumanization, so mirroring it spreads the mechanism rather than resisting it.

From the Defense Playbook

Every playbook entry states how strong its evidence is and when not to use it. Browse the full playbook.

References

  1. Haslam, N. (2006). Dehumanization: An Integrative Review. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 10(3), 252–264 · link
    The animalistic versus mechanistic distinction and the review of dehumanization mechanisms.
  2. Kteily, N., Bruneau, E., Waytz, A., & Cotterill, S. (2015). The Ascent of Man: Theoretical and Empirical Evidence for Blatant Dehumanization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 109(5), 901–931 · link
    The blatant dehumanization scale and its prediction of support for aggressive policies independent of prejudice.
  3. Bandura, A. (1999). Moral Disengagement in the Perpetration of Inhumanities. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 3(3), 193–209 · link
    Dehumanization as one of the mechanisms of moral disengagement.
  4. Stanton, G. H. (2016). The Ten Stages of Genocide. Genocide Watch (expanded from the 1996 eight-stage model)
    Dehumanization as the fourth stage in the escalation sequence and the stage-based intervention checklist.
  5. Rai, T. S., Valdesolo, P., & Graham, J. (2017). Dehumanization Increases Instrumental Violence, but Not Moral Violence. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 114(32), 8511–8516
    The caution that dehumanization drives instrumental rather than moralistic violence.
  6. Kteily, N., Hodson, G., & Bruneau, E. (2016). They See Us as Less Than Human: Metadehumanization Predicts Intergroup Conflict via Reciprocal Dehumanization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 110(3), 343–370
    Feeling dehumanized by an outgroup drives reciprocal dehumanization, the basis for the refuse-the-frame defense.
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